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"' ' AWAKENING 

OF THE 

GERMAN PEOPLE 

BY 

OTFRIED NIPPOLD 

PROFESSOR OP INTERNATIONAL LAW AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BERNE 
AUTHOR OF "DER DEUTSCHE CHAUVINISMUS." ETC. 



Translated by 

ALEXANDER GRAY 



NEW YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 



THE AWAKENING OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE 
OTFRIED NIPPOLD 



THE 

AWAKENING 

OF THE 

GERMAN PEOPLE 

BY 

OTFRIED NIPPOLD 

Professor of International Law at the University of Berne 
Author of ^'Der Deutsche Chauvinismus,'^ etc. 



TRANSLATED BY 

ALEXANDER GRAY 



NEW YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 

PROFESSOR OTFRIED NIPPOLD, the author 
of this pamphlet, was born in 1864, the son of 
a professor at the University of Jena. In the 
course of a varied Hfe, he has held office under the 
Ministry of Justice in the Grand Duchy of Saxe- 
Weimar, he has taught International and Commercial 
Law at Tokio, and he has had experience of the diplo- 
matic service under the German Foreign Office, being 
resident for some time in London. In more recent 
years he has devoted himself to the academic life, 
teaching International Law in the University of Berne. 

Professor Nippold is a writer of great eminence and 
authority on the subject with which his name is con- 
nected. His first important work, Der Volke^rrecht- 
liche Vertrag, appeared as long ago as 1894; his great- 
est work in recent years has centred round the Second 
Hague Conference. 

In Great Britain, however. Professor Nippold is, 
no doubt, most widely known as the author of Der 
Deutsche Chauvinismus, a book which was published 
at Stuttgart in 19 13. Apart from a few pages of 
commentary, this volume consists 'almost exclusively of 
extracts from the German Press, reports of meetings 
of various organisations, and selections from chauvin- 
istic addresses. The work is an invaluable guide to 
the tendencies in Germany before the war, and it has 



vi Biographical Note 

gradually been recognised as one of the most Illuminat- 
ing volumes on the genesis of the present conflict. 

It may be observed that Der Deutsche Chauvinis- 
mus, which has recently been re-published in Berne, 
was originally one of the publications of the Union 
for Promoting International Understanding, an organ- 
isation which Professor Nippold was largely instru- 
mental in founding. 



PREFACE 

TO all who desire that a truly lasting peace should 
be granted to the world after this war, it is 
a matter of importance to observe the changes 
In the mentality of the German people, and to exam- 
ine the attitude of the German Government with a 
view to appraising its sincerity regarding the condi- 
tions of the future peace. For this reason I venture 
to believe that the discussion contained in the follow- 
ing pages may be read with advantage in England 
also. 

This pamphlet was written some months ago. The 
situation has, however, in no way changed in the In- 
terval. The German mentality Is still the same. The 
German Government also still continues to play a dou- 
ble game : pacifist towards the outer world, while re- 
maining militaristic within. Michaelis followed Beth- 
mann-Hollweg; Hertling followed Michaelis. But the 
system has remained the same, and without compul- 
sion It will always remain the same. 

Even if there existed in Germany a government 
which was sincerely inspired with good intentions 
(which so far is not the case), matters would be in 
no way advanced, for in Germany it is not the Govern- 
ment but the military party that governs; behind the 
Chancellor stand the generals. The people has no 
voice, and Indeed It has no desire to make its voice 

vii 



Vlll 



Preface 



seriously heard; it is content if it can but shout '*Hur- 
rah!" with Hindenburg. 

The German Revolution is still remote. The Ger- 
man people has not yet awakened. And the German 
Parliament is the personification of modesty; it be- 
lieves everything that the Government considers it de- 
sirable that it should believe. Thus, in the event of 
their desiring to attain a really pacifist peace, the 
German Government can rely for support neither on 
the people nor on Parliament; they have only the 
generals behind them. 

And for this reason a lasting peace, which does not 
rest on a militaristic point of view, is not at the pres- 
ent moment possible with the German Government. 
There will be no lasting peace in the world, so long 
as militarism reigns in Germany. Not until the Ger- 
man people has awakened, — by pressure from within 
or from without, — will this peace come. 

OTFRIED NIPPOLD. 
Thun, February^ 191 8. 



THE AWAKENING OF THE 
GERMAN PEOPLE 



THE AWAKENING OF THE 
GERMAN PEOPLE 



I 



BEFORE the outbreak of the present war it can 
scarcely be said that any real attempt had been 
made to give an account of the powerful force 
which suggestions are capable of exercising even in 
the life of nations, and particularly in this nation. At 
that time only a few writers had devoted their atten- 
tion to "Mass-suggestions."* Thus it happened that 
people had not become aware, or at any rate wide cir- 
cles of them were still ignorant, of the way in which 
the war-makers in Germany had systematically been 
at work in recent years to influence the soul of the 
German people by the instrumentality of certain catch- 
words. In my book on German Chauvinism which 
appeared in 19 13 I undertook the task of producing 
documentary evidence of this systematic activity on the 

* From the period before the war it is necessary to refer here only 
to Le Bon, The Crowd, and Christensen, Politics and Mass Morality, 
as well as to the lecture on The Significance of Suggestion in the 
Life of the Nations, which the well-known psychologist Adolf Fried- 
lander delivered at Nuremberg in 1913, at the Congress of the Union 
for Promoting International Understanding. From the period of the 
war I would mention Robert Gaupp, Delusion and Error in the 
Life of the Nations^ as well as Nicolai's recent book, The Biology 
of War. 



2 The Awakening of 

part of those forces which in Germany were exerting 
themselves in the direction of a war. I used the term 
''Chauvinists" comprehensively to include all these 
classes, not merely the military party who longed for 
war in itself, but also the Pan-German politicians and 
imperialists who for political or other reasons chose to 
represent it as desirable and inevitable. I further 
showed the catch-words of which use was made in these 
circles to make the German people, in itself peace-lov- 
ing, "mellow" for war. In this undertaking the "en- 
circlement" inevitably played a part from the outset^ 
as did also the "French thirst for revenge," the "envy 
of the English" and the alleged danger of "Panslav- 
ism." All these had to do their part in the task of 
representing to the German people that war was in 
the first place inevitable. The war-intriguers, how- 
ever, did not stop at this stage. In recent years they 
advanced to the theory of the preventive war and 
advocated quite openly a war of aggression. In justi- 
fication of such a war they in no way restricted them- 
selves, however, to pointing out the necessity of choos- 
ing the right moment for a war, but they represented 
even an aggressive war as being simply in the inter- 
ests of an "active" German policy and of an extension 
of German power. Thus these war-intriguers had in 
the end really arrived at the point of recommending 
to the German people a predatory war, without the 
public opinion of Germany revolting against the sug- 
gestion; indeed, they were able to put forward these 
views amid the general approval of the multitude and 
more particularly of the Press. 

The German people, unfortunately, was not aware 



the German People 3 

of the growing danger that menaced its soul. The 
number of those who fell within the spell of these sug- 
gestions was constantly Increasing. In 19 13, in my 
German Chauvinism, I was obliged to confirm the 
fact that even then very extensive classes of the Ger- 
man people believed In these catch-words. Even If 
before the war the number of the real and conscious 
Imperialists in Germany was limited, scarcely extend- 
ing to the circle of those Imbued with Pan-German 
sentiments, It still remains a fact that the great major- 
ity of the German people had nevertheless fallen un- 
der the spell of the catch-words that were scattered 
abroad, In this sense that they began to desire that 
*'the bomb might at last explode If, as they say, war 
Is Inevitable." As a result of the year-long incitement 
to war, the German people had In fact been made 
''mellow," so mellow that in the end even men who 
were in themselves peace-loving directly longed for 
the dreaded war. Before the war It was only a rela- 
tively small section of the population, drawn from 
eminent men of Intellect, from democrats belonging to 
the civil parties and social democrats, who had re- 
mained deaf to the suggestions of the war-intriguers. 
It was under these circumstances that the year 19 14 
approached. Here I pass over all the portents which 
some months beforehand could not have failed to inti- 
mate to the careful observer the approach of the catas- 
trophe. These indications would In themselves form 
an Interesting chapter, with which I may perhaps deal 
on another occasion. In consequence of the machina- 
tions of the war-Intriguers the German people's ner- 
vousness, sensitiveness and responsiveness to sugges- 



4 The Awakening of 

tion had gradually reached an abnormal development. 
As a result the circle of these intriguers felt that they 
were near their goal. Writing in Mdrz of July i8th, 
1 9 14, I believed that I might still warn the German 
Government against these intrigues* : — "How is it pos- 
sible in authoritative circles to hope, when the decisive 
hour arrives, to be able to master the evil, when it 
is continually being allowed to grow greater, and 
nothing is done at the right time to seize the appro- 
priate counter-measures? What may not be an imme- 
diate danger to-day may become so overnight." A 
few days later the decisive hour had arrived. The 
German Government not only failed to master the 
evil, but capitulated to it. 

Nevertheless they did not venture to tell the truth 
to the German people, no matter how "mellow" it had 
gradually been made. The truth would not have 
seized the people in the way considered necessary in 
a war. Thus a new catch-word was added to those 
used in pursuing mass-suggestions before the war, that, 
namely, of the "ruthless attack" and of the "war of 
defence forced upon us." For the unprejudiced, objec- 
tive onlooker it cannot be said to be very ingeniously 
devised; for, indeed, this catch-word, when the whole 
situation is considered, was in reality only devised for 
political babes. Only the poor German people had 
: already in fact been brought so far, that it blindly 
believed everything, and thus it even believed in a 

* Apart from this article on "Love of War in Germany," I had 
repeatedly endeavoured to utter a warning, more particularly in the 
Deutsche Revue. I would refer to my article in that journal, en- 
titled "Where is the Danger for the Peace of Europe?" dated June, 
1913, and "Political Dilettantism in Europe," dated January, 1914. 



the German People 5 

"ruthless attack." The German people, down to the 
last man, believed It as gospel truth. If before the 
outbreak of war a section of the population had not 
yet fallen within the spell of these catch-words, the 
position in this respect was now at once altered. And 
thus Militarism and Pan-Germanism had gained the 
upper hand in Germany, not merely over the people 
but over the Government as well. 

Militarism now held unrestricted sway, and beside 
it a Nationalism in which Imperialistic tendencies now 
manifested themselves In a more unveiled form than 
heretofore. In Its issue of September 19th, 1916, the 
Berlin Conservative paper, Die Post, could quite cor- 
rectly write with reference to my controversy with von 
Sybel in the Neue Ziircher Zeitung that Imperialistic 
efforts in Germany were before the war restricted to 
a narrow circle, and were indeed from time to time offi- 
cially repudiated. An Imperialism could, however, 
only operate In a really expansive manner when it pene- 
trated into the great mass of the people and had per- 
manently established itself there ; every Individual must 
have accepted imperialistic ideas in such a strong meas- 
ure In his own circle of thoughts, that the imperialistic 
direction of his actions was In fact no longer present to 
his consciousness. It was only during the war, Die 
Post continued, that the German people had found the 
soil on which the imperialistic idea could take root and 
bring forth fruit. This was indeed the case. On the 
outbreak of war the whole German people did In fact 
fall under the spell of the suggestions of the war- 
makers. 

And since then the German people has slumbered 



6 • The Awakening of 

and dreamed a fair dream. It dreams of victories 
and of glory and of the respect which it has instilled 
into the whole world by its deeds of heroism and by 
its spirit of sacrifice; it dreams of the position of power 
which the future Germany will enjoy in the circle of 
the nations, and it dreams of peace. It continues to 
dream and it does not see and cannot see the crude 
reality. For the war-makers carefully seek to guard 
it against an awakening from its fair dream. Every 
day the newspapers tell the German people of new 
victories. The peace that is to come will thus be based 
on a German victory; not in vain will the sacrifices have 
been made. The truth is jealously kept from them, 
lest they awake. Nothing is allowed to pass the Ger- 
man frontier that could disturb the fair dream. And 
within Germany nothing is written or spoken that could 
rob the population of this illusion. Thus to-day the 
German people has no longer any knowledge of how 
it was incited into this war. Everything that took 
place before the war is forgotten. The German people 
is innocent of this war. It did not want it; it did not 
provoke it; it is merely defending itself and safeguard- 
ing its national existence. And as it is innocent of the 
outbreak of war, so also it is innocent of the con- 
tinuation of the war. It has conquered and is ready 
for peace. What more can one ask? It cannot real- 
ise that there can be people who attribute to Germany 
itself the guilt of the war, and who also despite every- 
thing hold it responsible for the continuance of the 
war. That can only be done by the enemies of the 
German people, that is to say, the wicked Englishmen 
and Frenchmen, Russians and Japanese, and, unfortu- 



the German People 7 

nately, many neutrals as well. Yes, indeed, the whole 
world seems to-day to have risen against Germany. 
They are surrounded by enemies. The enemies are 
everywhere — but not In their own land, not there where 
the dreaming German people continues to be care- 
fully guarded against awakening. 

What will this awakening reveal to the German peo- 
ple? What will the crude reality look like, when the 
dream Is at an end? The thought Is a bitter one. 
Every dream must come to an end some day; from 
every sleep there must be an awakening. And then 
the reality Is seen. Then the German people will see 
that the rest of the world passes a different judgment 
on the question of the responsibility for the war from 
that current In Germany on the basis of the German 
official accounts. It will then recognise that while, no 
doubt, the German armies have often been victorious, 
they have not always been so, that the other side also 
has gained many a victory, that there was a battle on 
the Marne which completely frustrated the German 
plan of campaign, and that while It is certainly possi- 
ble to dream of a German victory, such a victory can- 
not be experienced. It will recognise that even if Ger- 
many may perhaps be unconquerable it nevertheless 
cannot conquer, a fact which for an aggressor is nec- 
essarily a sorry business and cannot but destroy all 
dreams of victory. And further, what on awakening 
will be the outlook as regards their other dreams of 
glory and respect and honour? Has the German con- 
duct of the war In fact been such as to increase the 
glory of the German name? Has It not rather been 
placed in the service of terror, branding the German 



8 The Awakening of 

name for centuries to come, for the sake of momen- 
tary petty advantages? Have not the German army 
leaders, in agreement with the German Government, 
violated Belgian neutrality and often enough ridden 
roughshod over international law on many other occa- 
sions as well? And is it not the fact that German 
scholarship has declared its solidarity with all these 
actions, and has thus robbed itself of the glory which 
It enjoyed throughout the whole world? And has not 
the German Press done its utmost to feed the flame of 
universal hatred enkindled by these things — hatred, of 
course, against other nations who are innocent of all 
these matters, not hatred against the enemy who sits 
in their own land, working on the soul of their own 
people?* 

Thus, on awakening, the German people will really 
see itself confronted by a world of enemies, and it will 
be constrained to recognise that for many years to 
come it has gained, not glory and honour, but hatred 
and contempt. Yes, the thought of this awakening of 
the German people is bitter in the extreme ! It cannot 
but wring one's very heart to think of this brave people 
and of the millions it has sacrificed in life and wealth, 
and then to picture the awakening of this people from 
its dream! 

Now that their plan has failed and a German victory 



* In No. 944 of the Neue Ziircher Zeitung, Professor Forster rightly 
observes: "May the German people soon realise that the greatest 
enemies of a truly enduring peace sit in their own midst." I have 
already expressed myself in the same sense in Wissen und Leben of 
August 15th, 1916. It is not the French and the English who are in 
truth the enemies of the German people, but those who have 
brought the soul of the German people into the position, in which 
we see it to-day. 



the German People 9 

can no longer be expected, it can easily be understood 
that the authors of the catastrophe fear this awaken- 
ing and seek to postpone it more and more — to post- 
pone it, for after all they cannot completely prevent 
it. But postponement, that at least is possible — and 
then: Apres nous le deluge! What must come, must 
come. Against such a contingency it is necessary to 
put on the armour of fatalism. 

But is it then really possible to postpone it? Has 
not a portion at least of the German people already 
recognised the true position? There is no absence of 
isolated indications that daylight is beginning to dawn 
on the German people. The attitude assumed by the 
socialist community of labour has shown that among 
the labouring classes progress is being made towards 
a recognition of the situation. Moreover, even among 
the German intellectuals voices are beginning to be 
raised which appear to indicate a gradual awakening 
in these circles also. Indeed, I would go further than 
this. There have been a few Germans — and I do not 
hesitate to describe these men as the best men of Ger- 
many — who have from the beginning kept themselves 
immune against the machinations of the makers of 
war; who stood above the machine, who recognised the 
truth and the need of their people and who have 
yearned with their whole heart for its awakening. All 
honour to these Germans ! On them in the first place 
depend the hopes for the future of the German peo- 
ple, which assuredly no one would hate, if it would 
confess its guilt and return to reason. Fortunately 
we in Switzerland have also had an opportunity of 
hearing such voices. What Prince Alexander zu 



10 The Awakening of 

Hohenlohe and Professor Forster have written in the 
Neue Zurcher Zeitung proves that, despite all mass- 
suggestions, there have still been Germans who have 
recognised the truth — upright men, against whom the 
psychosis of war was powerless, men also who have 
dared to speak the truth. 

Thus indications do in fact exist which point to a 
gradual awakening. The revolution in the German 
national spirit, the change in German mentality, is al- 
ready in progress. At the same time it would be a 
mistake to overestimate the significance for the present 
hour of these signs of what is to come. In No. 1161 
of the Neue Zurcher Zeitung I have already uttered 
a warning against such an overestimation of these 
symptoms. It is indeed only an extremely petty frac- 
tion that has so far really awakened. To-day the 
great mass of the German people is still slumbering. 
Many, very many no doubt, desire a new orientation, 
a democratisation of Germany; to this point I shall 
presently return in more detail. But they have not 
yet recognised the truth, that is to say, the fact that 
the German people has been, and to-day is still being, 
misled. How indeed should they be expected to do 
so, when the truth is not allowed to penetrate to them? 
To-day then it is only possible to say that truth is cer- 
tainly on the march, that the anxious hour of the 
awakening draws near, but that it has not yet arrived. 

In addition to the symptoms which I have here cited, 
and which indicate an approaching awakening of the 
German people, it is also possible to detect Indirect 
symptoms which are to be interpreted in the same 
sense. In this class I would above all Include the vio- 



the German People ii 

lent energy recently developed by the Pan-Germans. 
Not a day is allowed to pass in which they do not 
hold popular assemblies. Vast newspaper undertak- 
ings are founded with an enormous capital behind 
them, with the object of influencing the German people 
in a Pan-German sense. All this points to the fact that 
the Pan-Germans are nervous about their supremacy 
and that they mean to arm themselves against the hour 
of the German people's awakening. 

What then is it, we may ask, that chiefly prevents 
the awakening of the German people? 

In the forefront we must without doubt place the 
fact that those classes which are to-day dominant in 
Germany still unfortunately believe that they may be 
able, not merely to postpone the awakening of the 
German people, but perhaps even to prevent it alto- 
gether. They do not yet appear to realise, or else they 
do not wish to realise, that by so doing they are at 
the same time postponing and preventing peace. And 
yet this is the case. All the protestations of the Ger- 
man Government's desire for peace cannot get over 
this fact. If to-day the question is asked: "What is 
the real obstacle to the conclusion of peace?" the only 
possible answer is that it is the attitude of the German 
Government and the mentality of the German people 
induced by this attitude. On this latter point I need 
say nothing further here; we have already seen that 
to-day the German people is still asleep. Its awaken- 
ing would certainly bring peace, but it is just this 
awakening that the German governmental circles fear 
and seek to prevent. What, however, is the position 
with regard to the German Government? 



12 The Awakening of 

If the man, who so far has been Chancellor,* did 
not himself on the outbreak of war Invent the catch- 
word about the "ruthless attack," he was at any rate 
the first to give it currency. In the eyes of the world 
at least, he was regarded as the representative of the 
system of government which had undertaken the task 
of misleading public opinion at home and abroad by 
seeking to transfer to others its own load of guilt. 
And throughout the whole duration of the war he had 
firmly adhered to this legend. In this way therefore 
he constantly made renewed attempts to mislead the 
public opinion of the German people, and beyond it 
the opinion of neutral foreign countries as well. This, 
however, is precisely what was once described in the 
Neue Ziircher Zeitung as the moral obstacle to the 
conclusion of peace.t It was there rightly explained 
that it was futile to speak of Germany's readiness for 
peace, so long as people in Germany were unwilling 
to draw the necessary conclusions from this fact, but 
on the contrary continued in a spirit of partiality to 
ascribe the guilt of the war to their enemies and to 
represent the war situation as if they had already con- 
quered. So long as the Chancellor clings to these fic- 
tions, so long as he cannot make up his mind to pay 
, honour to truth and abandon the moral struggle, mat- 
I ters will not advance as far as peace negotiations. 
The obstacle to the conclusion of peace lies nowhere 

* The above was written before the last crisis in Germany. As, 
however, it is still in point, I have, in revising these observa- 
tions, left them in essential matters unaltered, and have only- 
added in the footnotes a few supplementary observations with regard 
to events which have since supervened. 

t Compare No. 664 of April 27th, 1916, and No. 1945 of De- 
cember 3rd, 1 91 6. 



the German People 13 

else than in the German Chancellor. When we reflect 
on all that is at stake, that the war may yet last for 
years and may still cost millions of human lives, then 
we should indeed imagine that such a reflection might 
very well have induced a conscientious Government 
to a change in their policy. But there is, in fact, in 
Germany a lack of what *'Europaeus" of the Neue 
Zurcher Zeitung has aptly described as "civil courage." 
They could not prevail upon themselves to place the 
well-being of the German people and of the rest of the 
world above the interests of a clique. 

The events of recent months have in fact fully con- 
V firmed the accuracy of the view just expounded. The 
German offer of peace which was made in December, 
19 1 6, once more asserted that Germany had been at- 
tacked, and sought to create the impression that Ger- 
many had been victorious. The answer of the Entente 
described the German peace proposal as "illusory" and 
they observed, with regard to the statements of the 
German Government, that they are bound to protest 
against the two material assertions in the note, "the 
one professing to throw upon the Allies the respon- 
sibility of the war, and the other proclaiming the vic- 
tory of the Central powers. The Allies cannot admit 
a claim which is thus untrue in each particular, and 
is sufficient alone to render sterile all attempt at nego- 
tiations." To anyone who places himself in the posi- 
tion of the Allies, this answer will in no way appear 
incomprehensible. The Entente has got to conclude 
with the German Government a "paper treaty," on 
which the future of Europe will have to rest. For this 



14 The Awakening of 

the primary necessity is confidence. Now the German 
Chancellor, with whom it would have had to deal in 
the matter, had not only described the treaty of neu- 
trality as a *'scrap of paper" when he allowed the 
violation of Belgian neutrality, but even at the very 
moment when he held out the hand of peace he had 
repeated the assertion that Germany had been attacked. 
Moreover to the mien of the innocent he had added 
the gesture of the conqueror. Assuming the position 
of the Allies, need it occasion any surprise that their 
governments felt no confidence in this German Gov- 
ernment, and were unwilling to negotiate with it? 

Truth is the basis of all confidence. This is a fact 
which in the future also it will be impossible to circum- 
vent. The recognition of this fact can be concealed 
only from those governments who fail to have regard 
to the imponderabilia in political life and who there- 
fore underestimate the moral factors in the life of 
the nations — governments who recognise only the fac- 
tor of force and nothing apart from this. And when 
the intention Is to conclude a treaty of peace with a 
promise of permanency, the thing that is needful above 
all else Is confidence. An Imperial Chancellor will, 
however, be unable to find this confidence in his oppo- 
nents, so long as he adheres to the oflicial German 
account of the origin of the war,* so long as he pro- 
fesses to be the conqueror and refuses to express him- 
self on war-aims. By such an attitude he will there- 
fore In fact prevent, not merely the awakening of 

♦Which, moreover, it may be observed in passing, is also in 
contradiction with the German White Book. 



the German People 15 

the German people, but also at the same time the 
conclusion of peace. t 

The moral estimate placed upon the Chancellor in 
foreign countries, Indicated In the preceding para- 
graphs, Is moreover a factor of which too little account' 
has unfortunately been taken In Germany. The Reichs- 
tag representative Konrad Haussmann wrote In the 
Berliner Tagehlatt of December 14th, 19 16, that the 
capital, which had been quietly amassed in faith In 
this Chancellor's integrity, could now be seen yielding 
interest. This Is from any point of view a capital 
error. The Chancellor was regarded by foreign coun- 
tries as the representative of the system which they 
mean to combat in Germany, and he could not have 
inspired universal confidence until he acted openly. 
But as events have shown, this confidence was lack- 
ing, not only among his opponents, but also among his 
own people. 

The grounds which induced the Chancellor to as- 
sume the attitude which in fact he adopted are, more- 
over, not difficult to guess. It is clear that he person- 
ally, and of course the other leading men in Germany 
as well, must certainly be In a position to survey the 
true state of affairs. But It was just for this very 
reason that he was unwilling to express himself openly. 
For had he done so, he would also have opened the 

t In No. 1270 of the Neue Ziircher Zeitung, R. Said-Ruete em- 
phasises that every step so far taken by the Chancellor had produced 
an effect contrary to what he had desired: "Instead of carefully 
cultivating feelings of sympathy, which would turn out to be of far 
greater value for the future than any partial success in arms, and 
thus re-establishing the gravely shattered confidence in the foreign 
and home policy of the Government, the Central Powers, owing to 
a complete absence of psychological understanding of international 
questions, are confronted with a whole world of antipathies." 



l6 The Awakening of 

eyes of the German people and aroused them from 
their sleep. They would then have arrived at the 
recognition of the very things it was meant to keep 
from them. What the Chancellor thus strove to attain 
was no doubt peace, but it was a peace without an 
awakening. And it is easy to understand why this 
should have been so. For the awakening of the Ger- 
man people might in the sequel have turned even 
against the Chancellor and his government. It was 
just because the people had placed so blind a confi- 
dence in all the catch-words hitherto issued by the gov- 
ernment that the effect of the truth was now dreaded. 
There is no lack of eloquent evidence to show that this 
apprehension has in fact existed in authoritative circles 
in Germany, and that to-day it exists more than ever. 
I select only one example. The Pan-German Ber- 
liner Neueste Nachrichten of May 25th, 19 17, re- 
ported as follows under the title: "Over-zealous 
Friends" : 

"One hears it said that the Chancellor does not 
believe that the future peace will correspond to the 
expectations which a large part of the people associate 
with it. He is said to be anxious lest the disillusion- 
ment which will later be felt, combined with the inevit- 
able financial burdens, may provoke profound expres- 
sions of dissatisfaction. Above all, it is necessary to 
protect the throne against the consequences of such dis- 
content. The leading statesman who will be called 
upon to accept responsibility for the future peace has 
not sufficient power and authority to achieve this end. 
For this reason the responsibility for the substance of 
the peace to be concluded must be laid on broader 
shoulders. The German people will take the future 
peace upon itself, if by its duly authorised representa- 



the German People 17 

tives, by the great parties, It bears its own share of 
the responsibility. Hence, without wishing to go so 
far as to adopt a Parliamentary system. It would be 
desirable that men enjoying the confidence of the great 
parties should be made jointly responsible, as secre- 
taries of state, for the whole policy of the Empire and 
at the same time for determining the shape which peace 
will assume. In this way it will be possible to complete 
the political and economic reconstruction of Germany 
after the war, without that grave Injury to the crown 
which otherwise might be apprehended." 

It Is clear that the Pan-German paper from which 
I have extracted this passage comments on the view 
therein expressed In a sense which shows anything but 
concurrence: "Hindenburg promises us victory; why 
then need we be troubled by these pessimists who in 
all these months of war have carried on their ml- 
chlevous work?" But this comment Is a matter of In- 
difference. As evidence of the sentiments prevailing In 
Germany the above words are quite Invaluable. Above 
all they show distinctly that the awakening has already 
occurred at any rate In one place In the governing cir- 
cles of Germany and In their surroundings.* And with 
the awakening the morning nausea {Katzen jammer) 
has also already come. They have begun to prepare 
for the critical hour by looking round for accomplices 
who will be called upon to share in the drink which 
they have brewed for themselves ; for they are appre- 
hensive of the moment when the German people will 
present the bill to its Government. And thereupon 

* This is also indicated in a letter from Harnack mentioned in 
the Bayrische Kurier, in which it is said that Bethmann sees the 
greatest danger in those people who still believed in a German vic- 
tory. At the best there could be a draw. 



1 8 The Awakening of 

there comes a saving idea — democracy! After all is 
said, this must surely be good for something — just as 
Pacifism is. If it is possible to get out of the mire 
by resorting to these things, well then, sufficient for the 
day! Time will show what is to come later. Pacifism has 
already been tried — unfortunately without success. On 
November 9th, 191 6, the Chancellor announced to an 
astonished world that he was ready to place himself 
at the head of an international league whose function 
should be to keep the disturbers of the peace in check. 
Think of it! In the Neue Ziircher Zeitiing of Novem- 
ber 1 8th, 1916, I uttered a warning against this un- 
expected pacifist transformation in the Chancellor, and 
advised that its sincerity should first be tested. Subse- 
quent events have justified my scepticism. 

After Pacifism came the turn of Democracy. 
Throughout the whole world democracy was spoken 
about. What a commotion was made about it! But 
then came the Russian Revolution and instilled a whole- 
some horror into the leading men of Germany. They 
pulled their courage together for the Imperial Easter 
message. What has that come to? It is possible to 
read in the German papers that the German Govern- 
ment itself sought to put all obstacles in the way of 
the fulfilment of this message. The Committee ap- 
pointed on the constitution cautiously went round about 
any serious democratic advance, like a cat round hot 
broth, and was in the end prorogued. The fear of 
the Russian Revolution had been dissipated; it was real- 
ised that there was no need to apprehend a revolution 
from the German people, and Democracy was accord- 
ingly sent home again. 



I 



the German People 19 

In order correctly to explain in their true significance 
the steps taken by the leading circles of Germany in 
the direction of a democratisation, and to show how 
the irony of history prevails in this war, I must here 
interpolate a few words on the motives which, on their 
own admissions, determined the actions of the war- 
makers in Germany before the war. (I may expressly 
observe that we are not here concerned with mere 
presumptions or reports taken from the Press or from 
the utterances of third persons but with matters which 
are historically certain and which can be proved.) For 
decades the increase of social democracy had been fol- 
lowed with increasing anxiety in the governing classes 
of Germany. As the most effective weapon against its 
increase a war was recommended. By a victorious war 
it was hoped that the social democrats would be again 
chained to the Hohenzollern state, that thus at a blow 
the democratic "danger" would be removed, and that 
they would once more have unhampered "power" in 
their own hands. Among all the motives which were 
decisive for the makers of war, this was in reality the 
most important, although of course this fact was not 
trumpeted throughout the world. When this fact is 
recalled, and when it is further realised that this war 
has produced exactly the opposite effect to that for 
which its authors hoped, that throughout the whole 
world democracy is in truth making the most stupen- 
dous progress in consequence of this war, and that in 
consequence of this a new orientation has to be con- 
templated even in Germany, then we can indeed only 
say that there is here an almost unparalleled historical 
irony — an irony which is so great that it is only ex- 



20 The Awakening of 

celled by one other, namely by the attitude of the Ger- 
man social democrats round Scheidemann, who render 
menial services to the Government which is waging 
a war for the purpose of getting rid of them. 

When these facts are recalled, one will naturally be 
careful not to expect too much even from the measures 
which are being considered in Germany while I am 
writing these lines, and will be on one's guard against 
attaching to these proposals far-reaching hopes of any 
kind whatsoever. Of its own free will the German 
Government will assuredly do nothing in the direction 
of democracy. Democratisation is for them exclusively 
a weapon which they seek to make subservient to 
their ends in this their critical hour.* The utmost that 
could be asked would be whether a sufficiently strong 
impulse will come from among the people to provoke 
a sincere advance. But this also I doubt, t The exces- 

* According to announcements which are before me, the Crown 
Council is said to have resolved to open the way on principle for 
the inclusion of members of Parliament in the conduct of the affairs 
of the Empire and of the Prussian State. Accordingly, the ingenious 
prescription of the "friends of the Chancellor" would thus really be 
carried out. This is now confirmed by the speech of the new Chan- 
cellor, according to which men who, in addition to their personal 
qualifications, also enjoy the full confidence of the great parties in 
the representative assembly, are to be summoned to fill the leading 
positions. If only there had sat in the Crown Council at least one 
single man possessed of the courage to tell the German Emperor' the 
truth! In that case much would already have been gained. Who, 
however, does not recall the meeting of the Supreme War Council 
in Potsdam in July, 1914? It would be presumptuous to believe that 
feeling in these circles is now essentially different. It is only fear 
that in these quarters will impel to other decisions: inner conviction 
will never do so. 

t The reader will perhaps recall the conversation between Prince 
Billow and Althoff on the political training of the Germans, in which 
the latter said: "We are the first people in philosophy, music and 
lyrical poetry. No one surpasses us in bravery before the enemy. 
In learning and technical science, in trade and industry, we have 
made enormous progress. As it is not possible to accomplish and to 



the German People 21 

sive modesty of the German Reichstag Is well known. 
It never gets transported. In the Zabern affair it 
pulled itself together for once to pass a vote of no 
confidence, but it then at once turned right-about-face. 
And Herr von Bethmann-HoUweg swallowed this vote 
of no confidence without turning a hair — much less then 
did he feel that his seat was thereby rendered insecure. 
The German representatives in the Reichstag are far 
too good subjects to do anything to the German Gov- 
ernment that could really look like democracy. 

Nevertheless I shall be glad to have been deceived 
in this prediction. What, however, affords me a cer- 
tain justification in being so sceptical In my thoughts 
even at this stage, Is an Intimation In No. 1266 of the 
Neue Zurcher Zeitung. We read there that it is pro- 
posed that a resolution of the whole house should ob- 
tain the concurrence of the overwhelming majority, 
making clear the character of the war of defence 
forced on Germany, expressly stating that the German 
people is only waging a war of defence forced upon 
It, and repudiating every violation of Independent na- 



be everything at the same time, your Excellency will not be sur- 
prised if in politics we are asses." I will not be so lacking in 
politeness as to subscribe to this, although I have always had a cer- 
tain weakness for Althoff, notwithstanding all the shady sides of 
his character. But this much is certain, that we dare not promise 
ourselves too much from the initiative of the German citizen to be- 
come politically independent and to free himself from the yoke of 
the militarists and the imperialists. Not until the great awakening 
comes will it be possible for this to be otherwise. For this reason 
also very little hope can be placed on the fact that we constantly 
hear it said of the Germans that they will see to it unaided that their 
house is put in order. This is just what we may be permitted to 
doubt. Without pressure or compulsion in one form or another — 
from within or without, or from both sides — it will never be other- 
wise in Germany! 



22 The Awakening of 

tions.* This announcement plainly proves that even 
those representatives in the German Reichstag who are 
striving to secure democratisation are not yet "awake." 
What they want, indeed, appears to be entirely right. 
They mean in this resolution to oppose the annexation- 
ists. But, as is well known, the first essential to annexa- 
tion is victory, and so long as this presupposition is 
absent, the fear of annexations is also entirely super- 
fluous. These Parliamentarians are thus opposing 
nothing but an illusion, and it is also obvious that they 
themselves are moving in such an illusion. Moreover, 
the means which they apply is mistaken, and is so for 
this reason, that their procedure has at the same time 
the effect of moving to a remote distance even the 



* This peace resolution of the majority in the German Reichstag 
has meanwhile been published. The text, which certainly sounds 
somewhat more prudent, runs as follows: 

"As on August 4th, 1914, the words which occurred in the speech 
from the throne, 'We are not urged on by lust of conquest,' still 
hold for the German people on the threshold of the fourth year of 
the war. Germany seized arms in defence of her freedom and inde- 
pendence, and for the inviolability of her territorial possessions. 
The Reichstag strives for a peace based on an understanding and a 
permanent reconciliation among the nations. Compulsory acquisi- 
tions of territory, as well as political, economic or financial acts of 
violence, are incompatible with such a peace. The Reichstag fur- 
ther repudiates all plans which are directed to the economic isolation 
and the creation of hostility among the nations after the war. The 
freedom of the seas must be placed on a sure basis. Only an 
economic peace will prepare the ground for a situation in which the 
nations will live together in friendship. The Reichstag will energeti- 
cally promote the creation of international organisations resting on 
law. So long, however, as the enemy Governments refuse to enter on 
such a peace, so long as they threaten Germany and her allies with 
conquest and violation, so long will the German people stand to- 
gether to a man, and will immovably hold out and continue the 
struggle, until the right to life and development of Germany and 
her allies is assured. In its unity the German people is unconquer- 
able. The Reichstag knows that in this it is at one with the men 
who are protecting the Fatherland in a heroic struggle. The im- 
perishable thanks of the whole people is assured to them." 



the German People 23 

possibility of peace negotiations. It is, however, clear 
that the Allies will never recognise the doctrine of 
the German war of defence. For them it is obviously 
by no means a matter of indifference whether Germany 
is waging a war of aggression or of defence. If it is 
merely defending itself, the German Government can 
say; *'You have been unable to conquer us, and there- 
fore we are the victors." If however it was the aggres- 
sor and cannot master the other side, then the Ger- 
man Government cannot at the same time rightly play 
the part of victor. The author of the "Germanicus" 
pamphlet is therefore* entirely correct when he de- 
scribes this as the "salient point." If therefore the 
"coming democrats" of Germany adhere to this doc- 
trine, peace may yet be a long time in coming. For 
so much must be clear to every one gifted with insight, 
that the future Europe and the future of the German 
people cannot possibly be built on a lie. 

As matters stand in Germany, it can in fact scarcely 
be assumed that in that country it will be possible to 
arrive so quickly at a real democratisation. The pre- 
supposition would be a complete change of system,* 
which however would also primarily presuppose a 
change in the person of the Chancellor. I should like 
to reproduce here without alteration what I wrote on 
this latter point, although the Chancellor crisis has 
meanwhile become a fact: "So long as Herr von Beth- 
mann-Hollweg is at the head of affairs, the Govern- 
ment will not get beyond half measures, and will con- 

* It does not require to be stated that the intimation of an equal 
electoral law for Prussia has nothing to do with a change of system. 
On this occasion the mountain has once more brought forth the ex- 
pected mouse. 



24 The Awakening of 

tlnue to humble itself before Militarism and Pan-Ger- 
manism, and these are things which a real democracy 
cannot endure. From opportunistic motives they may 
perhaps proceed to specious measures such as may ap- 
pear to be called for, not only by the demands of 
the parties in the Reichstag, but also by the speech of 
Lloyd George — who, as is well known, recently de- 
clared that he would sooner enter into peace negotia- 
tions with a democractic German Government — and 
also by the Austrian Emperor's desire for peace. But 
the German Government will be no more in earnest 
with these indications of programs than it was with the 
Easter message. They will not be in earnest in Ger- 
many until a change of system comes, and such a change 
will only take place under compulsion. Or is it perhaps 
the case that such a "compulsion" is already being 
experienced there? The possibility should not be ex- 
cluded. But as far as can be foreseen, a sincere change 
of system will not come in Germany until the German 
people has been awakened. Meanwhile, among all 
the reforms, a change in the person of the Chancellor 
will perhaps produce the best effect. A Chancellor 
whose appearance was not encumbered by the earlier 
words and actions of Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg 
would presumably inspire more confidence in foreign 
countries. Moreover the German people, if ever, 
needs at the present moment a complete man. And 
that is what Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg has never 
been. Above all he was no statesman. Posterity will 
neither shed tears on his grave nor weave crowns to 
his memory. He will stand in history like a feeble 
reed, at a moment when the German people had need 



the German People 25 

of an Immovable rock.* With his name will be iden- 
tified the most baneful chapter in German history." 

So I wrote the other week. Since then Herr von 
Bethmann-Hollweg has in fact resigned office and Herr 
Michaelis has taken his place. This fact leads me here 
to a further interpolation. 

In Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg there has been re- 
moved from office the statesman who will one day have 
to bear before history the responsibility for the pres- 
ent catastrophe. To this extent one might go so far 
as to describe him as the most pitiable of all mortals. 
Yet sympathy would indeed in this case be out of place. 
Weakness in a statesman in the face of such a catas- 
trophe affords no exoneration. Certainly Herr von 

* Theodor W^olf observes in the Berliner Tageblatt of July 
9th, 1917, that unfortunately no one has been able to testify to any 
excessive manifestation of energy on the part of the Chancellor. 
"During the war Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg has been compelled 
to settle matters with Pan-German Chauvinism, but he has been 
much too late in recognising the dangerousness of this widely-spread 
epidemic. His intention has been to remedy the errors of his predeces- 
sors, and after short attempts at betterment he has continued their 
practices. Constantly yielding ground, he has given away the 
power that was in his hands bit by bit, until little was left him. 
There was much that he lamented, yet he took his part in what was 
going on. . . . Has Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg so far given the 
German people anything else than words as his contribution to the 
new orientation of internal conditions? He has given us promises, 
the fulfilment of which he has postponed — well-sounding sentences 
about the 'brave fellows,' while in the selection of the personnel of 
the Government he has continued to follow the most venerable tra- 
ditions. . . . Should Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg be taken from us, 
it will be said of him that he was often conscious of the right path, 
but it was only unfortunate that he frequently followed another." 
In the Berliner Tageblatt of July 13th, 1917, Theodor Wolf demands 
that by his actions Bethmann's successor must at once and in his 
own person give a guarantee that what Bethmann could not achieve 
will now be carried through without hesitation and without luke- 
warmness. His task must in no way be to "fulfil the will of those 
forces who still desire to subdue the world, and who, unreasoningly 
and with a deep aversion, are opposed to a fundamental reforma- 
tion in the Empire." 



26 The Awakening of 

Bethmann-Hollweg did not belong to the war-intrig- 
uers. Personally he did not want war. Yet from the 
beginning he was so weak in his opposition to the in- 
trigues of the war-makers — it is sufficient to recall the 
reasons advanced for the Army Bill of 19 13 — that in 
the end he himself succumbed to them, and thereby it 
was he who plunged the German people into this disas- 
ter. And after he had once given way to the militarists 
and the Pan-Germans, although he then recognised 
where the path must lead, he showed himself so supine 
that it was precisely the Pan-Germans who became his 
bitterest enemies.* Thus this "leader" of German 
policy in the end became a mere shuttlecock, taking 
his share in everything that was happening and putting 
up with anything, no matter how gra^^ely it might be 
opposed to his personal conviction. t Moreover his 



* On the occasion of his resignation the Kreuzzertung wrote: 
"A sigh of relief will be felt through the national circles of the 
country at the thought that there has now been removed from his 
post the man who, occupying the highest office, has for eight years 
controlled the destiny of Prussia and Germany with a singular 
measure of incompetence and maladroitness." This judgment is one 
that cannot be contradicted. 

t In the Berliner Tageblatt of July 14th, 1917, Erich Dombrowski 
writes that Bethmann had also familiarised himself with the world 
of democratic ideas, but that his thoughts had not taken concrete 
form in actions, but at the utmost in speeches. He was content to 
make small part-payments. The Easter message and the promise of 
an equal electoral law were the last attempts to appease the mind 
of democracy. Schmoller had once called him a modern Fabius Cunc- 
tator. The saying has been increasingly justified. He was unable 
to find the path leading to action ; he had over-estimated the strength 
of the forces in opposition, and he had now fallen because his policy 
of fair promises, of procrastination, and of irresolution had in the 
end been unable to discover any way of escape. It is not sufficient 
to have willed the best; in politics it is alone sufficient to have 
done the best also. And in this respect Bethmann has fallen short 
in the eyes of the German people. — Compare, further, the article by 
Prince Alexander zu Hohenlohe in No. 1309 of the Neue Ziircher 
Zeitung. 



the German People 27 

weakness in no way becomes more "sympathetic" by 
reason of the obvious fact that this statesman failed to 
recognise his own Incompetence, and that he there- 
fore regarded himself as under an obligation to cling 
to office. Thus in the end he no longer dared to 
speak openly in any direction, and by this very lack of 
candour he became personally the greatest obstacle 
to a conclusion of peace. The Allies would never have 
given this man their confidence any more than his own 
countrymen were inclined to do — a consideration which 
is certainly not without significance for the countless 
multitude who long for peace.* 

Michaells, my former colleague In Toklo, has now 
become Bethmann's successor. I doubt whether it is 
a matter on which I should congratulate him. More 
important, however, is the other question whether the 
German people can be congratulated on Michaells. 
On this point also I have the gravest doubts. The 
Press has already emphasised the fact that Michaells 
is a Conservative. This In any case Is merely a mat- 
ter of course in a Prussian administrative official. On 
the other hand he has always been an energetic per- 
sonality, as he has again recently proved by his activ- 
ity as a food dictator. The question, however, is 
whether the utmost energy of an individual, even if he 
were a genius, will suffice to save the present system 

* In recent times this fact appears to have been recognised even 
in Germany. This is proved by the following paragraph in Germania 
of July i2th, 1917: "The opinion of the Committee of the party is 
to the effect that, by reason of the feeling which prevails, in part, 
in the party and in other civil circles, the Chancellor is scarcely 
a fit or proper person to take part in the peace negotiations, espe- 
cially having regard to the fact that the declaration of war took 
place during his tenure of office." 



28 The Awakening of 

in Germany? I believe not, and in the case of Mich- 
aelis I am all the less inclined to believe so, inasmuch 
as the environment from which he springs is scarcely- 
fitted to qualify him for the solution of those tasks 
which await him. And just as he is by no means the 
man who will be able to save the ruling system, so 
he cannot be regarded as the man to raise up the new 
Germany. That he is scarcely well informed in inter- 
national politics is a fact that has already been gener- 
ally pointed out. But even in internal politics a man 
who is completely ignorant of what democracy really 
means, and who can therefore form merely a theoret- 
ical conception of all the reforms which he is called 
upon to carry through, can scarcely be qualified to lead 
the German people to freedom. His first speech in 
the Reichstag, the text of which has just reached me, 
proves that my doubts whether he is the right man to 
save Germany and to bring peace to the world were in 
fact completely justified. 

If I were to speak quite candidly, I should be con- 
strained to say that I doubt whether the man who is 
destined to found a free Germany is yet born. It is 
indeed the great misfortune of the German people 
that in these heavy hours of destiny they have lacked, 
and still lack, a leader. From what quarter should 
such a man arise? Can he by any chance be looked for 
among the German democrats? Would His Excel- 
lency von Payer, the leader of the former South Ger- 
man ''Volkspartei," be fitted for the task? Ambition 
to play the part of the accomplished statesman, and 
in this way to be agreeable to ^he Powers above, has 
long since stifled the democrat in him. Or perhaps 



the German People 29 

Herr Scheidemann, the menial of Herr von Bethmann, 
is the man? The German majority socialists are to-day 
just as unfitted for this task as any of the civil parties. 
And as German bureaucracy appears in no way adapted 
to bring forth a creator of a new and a free Germany, 
so also unfortunately are the German political parties. 

Thus, unfortunately, one cannot in fact but be ap- 
prehensive that the true leaders of Germany are not 
yet to be found. They will no doubt fail to appear 
until the coming awakening of the German people. 
And it is to be hoped that when that comes, the modern 
type of politician and statesman will find entrance in 
Germany also, the man who is at once a good patriot 
and also a man of the world, the man who is able to 
combine love of his country with cosmopolitanism, 
refinement of mind with democratic conviction. 
Where is this type to be found in Germany to-day? 
In the case of Prince Alexander zu Hohenlohe we 
see how his countrymen act towards the representatives 
of this type. To-day the German people is not yet ripe 
enough to recognise the qualities which its leaders will 
one day require — because, in fact, it has not yet . 
awakened. 

So much I have thought it desirable to interpolate 
at this stage because of the events of last week. 

For the rest, we can only emphasise once more that 
a change in person is of course in itself in no way a 
change of system. And of this latter the German 
people is also urgently in need. May it, therefore, 
awake as speedily as possible to a real democracy I 
When it has recognised the truth, may it, in taking 
its destiny into its own hands, finally shake off the 



30 The Awakening of 

domination of the military caste and of Pan-German- 
ism. And even if this change in the system of govern- 
ment should in appearance be accomplished in Ger- 
many without a revolution, may it nevertheless at least 
bring with it a revolution in spirit, so that the Ger- 
man people in awakening will also have gained a 
moral victory over itself, and will not shrink from an 
acknowledgment of its own guilt. Such a moral victory 
would count for infinitely more than all military vic- 
tories taken together.* May it be possible in Germany 
to rise to the recognition of this important fact. That 
is the desire of all the true friends of the German peo- 
ple. Many who are to-day alienated from them are 
assi^edly waiting for nothing else than for this awaken- 
ing, in ordjer once more to press their hand in the 
old sympathy. 

I believe that in the preceding pages I have sufficiently 
explained how much depends on this awakening, 
not merely for the German people but also for the rest 
of the world. For to all of us it will bring nothing 
less than peace ! And consequently those of us who 
are neutrals are entirely justified in our desire that 



* Is it the case then that a German victory would really have 
been a stroke of good fortune for the German people? In that 
case would not a definite supremacy have been acquired by those 
classes which, in 1914, had already gained the upper hand, and 
which I have described above as the real enemies of the German 
people? Would we not, in that case, have had as a permanent insti- 
tution a Europe bristling with arms, quite apart from the moral and 
other consequences? And in that case, to speak the language of Ger- 
man historians, would not this war have been followed by other 
"Punic Wars"? Human nature being what it is, it is easy to under- 
stand that this admission will stick in the throat of a good German 
patriot. And yet they will have to work their way to the recognition 
of this fact, and, indeed, the sooner the better! May the German 
people speedily recognise the path to its true happiness! 



the German People 31 

the efforts to remove the obstacles, which so far have 
stood In the way of this awakening, may be attended 
with success. When the peace of Europe is at stake, 
there must be no dilatorlness. The nations have a 
right to demand the truth from their Governments; 
they have a right to demand that if there is a path 
to peace, this path must be followed, and that the 
obstacles in the way must be removed. And therefore 
they are entitled to demand, and we neutrals have the 
right to associate ourselves with them in their demand : 
Away with the official accounts and fictions^ which 
stand in the way of peace negotiations! 

But It Is not merely the conclusion of peace, but also 
what Is to come afterwards, that depends on a change 
in the present day German mentality, on an awaken- 
ing of the German people from the suggestions of 
the war-makers. We cannot but hope that after the 
war it will be possible for the nations to re-enter 
into economic and spiritual Intercourse with each other, 
that they will be able to resume the old relationships, 
that hatred will come to an end, and that the incite- 
ment of the nations against each other will cease, and 
that In place of this the nations will once more seek 
to establish relations of mutual understanding. In 
other words It should be possible for peace to be fol- 
lowed by International understanding. But such a con- 
summation also Is possible only If the German mental- 
ity has first of all been altered. I believe that I may 
venture to say this without fear of being misunder- 
stood. For before the war I was one of the leaders 
of the movement which sought to work for an under- 
standing between Germany on the one hand and France 



32 The Awakening of 

and England on the other; I have for years endeav- 
oured to oppose the Pan-German chauvinistic tendency 
and to create a counterpoise to it in the organisation 
which I founded. And in Wissen und Lehen of August 
15th, 19 1 6, I have further expressly emphasised the 
fact that my friends and I hope to be able to continue 
our work after this war. But as things now are, we 
must not mistake the difficulties in the way of such 
a task. It is first of all necessary to measure the 
gulf of hatred, distrust and antipathy, before it is pos- 
sible to think of overbridging it. It avails nothing to 
raise a hollow building. Just as I should in no way 
have considered that a premature conclusion of peace 
In this war would have been in the interests of the 
future of Europe, so I should not be inclined to press 
for an understanding between men and nations who 
distrust and hate each other, until I had sought to 
recognise and remove the reason of this distrust. 

And it Is for this reason that I can only repeat once 
more: The possibility of a future understanding be- 
tween the nations, like the possibility of an enduring 
peace, depends — on the awakening of the German 
people! 



the German People 33 



II 

IN the foregoing pages I have been concerned with 
such factors as are operative in Germany itself 
in the direction of impeding the awakening of 
the German people. It is however self-evident that 
these factors are to be sought not merely in Germany 
but also in neutral foreign countries. 

If the neutral peoples kept themselves immune 
against the various forms assumed by the psychosis of 
war in the belHgerent countries, and their manifestation 
in the form of the manufacture of opinion among the 
neutrals, such a result might have been, in so grave 
a time, profitable to the German people. If this re- 
sult were not realised, an effect directly contrary might 
supervene. 

Among the neutrals there was, however, scarcely 
any other land so adapted for the purpose of exercis- 
ing an influence on German feeling and thought in one 
direction or another as just our own country of Switzer- 
land, inasmuch as it is not merely situated in immediate 
proximity to the German Empire, but also stands in a 
completely natural manner in close spiritual contact 
with our neighbouring state, as a result of the linguistic 
and cultural kinship of a section of its population. We 
may therefore very properly ask what has been the 
attitude adopted by our Swiss population towards the 
intellectual outlook of the German people indicated 
above. 



34 The Awakening of 

A priori one might well have assumed that neutral 
foreign countries, and more particularly Switzerland, 
would have kept themselves immune against the Ger- 
man manufacture of opinion, that they would recog- 
nise that in a country which is at war it is necessary 
to engender in the population the necessary sentiment 
and passion for war as well as the necessary spirit 
of. sacrifice, but that the neutral as a matter of course 
is not called upon to accept at its face value all that 
reaches us from the other side of the frontiers in 
the shape of news of attempts to exercise influence 
under the guise of the "struggle for the soul of the 
neutrals." Such an immunity on our part could in 
fact scarcely have failed to produce a certain impres- 
sion on the German people, and would have been, it 
may be thought, of material assistance in bringing this 
nation, misled by a prolonged process of manipula- 
tion, more quickly to a recognition of the true state of 
affairs. And this again might perhaps have shortened 
the war and might perhaps have spared the nations 
much agony. 

Is it the case then that this intellectual immunity has 
existed in our case? There is no one who will seriously 
venture to assert that it has ! I believe I am justi- 
fied in bluntly making this assertion. In our case the 
population has not remained immune ! What, how- 
ever, is the cause of this? The explanation of this 
fact is certainly not devoid of general interest, and I 
should therefore like to devote a few lines to the sub- 
ject. 

In order to make it easier to understand the genesis 
of the state of mind in Switzerland to-day on the sub- 



the German People 35 

ject of the present war, I propose in the first place 
to offer a few observations with reference to the period 
before the war. In doing so, I can of course only 
select examples, and for this purpose I choose that de- 
partment which calls for most consideration in con- 
nection with the formation of a public opinion — I refer 
to the Press. 

It is long since the careful observer must have been 
struck by the way in which our German-Swiss Press is 
provided with news from Germany. The correspond- 
ents of the German-Swiss papers, the Bund, the Neue 
Ziircher Zeitimg and all the other papers that here 
call for consideration, were not accustomed to look at 
things in the Empire through the spectacles of the dem- 
ocrat, as would have been the only appropriate view- 
point having regard to our conditions. 

On the contrary the Swiss Press was for the most 
part served by correspondents who occupied the Na- 
tional-Liberal point of view, which forty years ago was 
certainly a very admirable thing, but to-day is more or 
less identical with Pan-Germanism. In these cor- 
respondents it was impossible to find a trace of any 
understanding of our Swiss poHtical conceptions, just 
as they appeared to be entirely ignorant of the fact 
that there were even in Germany a few democrats, 
or at any rate men who wanted to become so. All 
political questions were disposed of with the super- 
ficiality which unfortunately is customary in German 
National-Liberal circles to-day, without any criticism 
directed upwards and without any suggestion of adap- 
tation to our Swiss views on these matters. 

In the years preceding the war I have often, in con- 



36 The Awakening of 

versation with Theodor CurtI, given expression to my 
anxiety as to the effects of this attitude on the part of 
the Press, which threw a by no means favourable light 
on our Swiss Press. Was it not observed amongst us 
that in this way our Swiss public received an extremely 
one-sided picture of the political conditions in the Ger- 
man Empire : a picture which could not fail in the end 
to produce an unfavourable effect on our own domes- 
tic relations? When these correspondents sent their 
reports to Swiss papers, did they in no way feel that 
they were bound in some measure to take into con- 
sideration Swiss views and conditions, and that more- 
over the nascent democracy In Germany were entitled 
to claim that some interest should be shown in them, 
when they turned to the Swiss Press? But of all this 
there was no suggestion! German liberalism on the 
left was disposed of with a shrug of the shoulders, or 
else the attempt was made to ridicule it. And in place 
of what might have been expected, with a thoughtless- 
ness that could scarcely be surpassed, the Swiss public 
were regaled with the most barren platitudes of Ger- 
man political thought, such as might have been entirely 
to the taste of an uncorrupted German National-Lib- 
eral stomach (the accent being of course on the word 
National) for digestion over a glass of beer. One 
could not, however, fail to be surprised at the stomach 
of the Swiss reading public, which could digest such 
unaccustomed fare. But Indeed the stomach of this 
public had gradually become habituated even to such a 
diet as this. 

It is clear that in our Press there was neither anxi- 
ety felt, nor headaches occasioned, by reflecting on the 



the German People 37 

pernicious effects of such a procedure. If one discussed 
these matters with a Swiss editor, it was explained that 
they were merely giving "pictures of feelings," and 
with this the matter was ended. Now the cinemato- 
graph, when all is said, also gives "pictures of feel- 
ings," and nevertheless the effect it produces may be 
very different according as it is made subservient merely 
to sensationalism or to a higher end. A Press, con- 
scious of its mission, will not In fact be content to re- 
produce "pictures of feelings," but it will also inquire 
as to their effects; it will also desire to exercise an edu- 
cational influence and, so far as politics comes in ques- 
tion, it will place itself in the service of the ideas of 
the Fatherland, that is to say, in our case, It will fur- 
ther democratic thought. So far as correspondence 
received from Germany is concerned, this duty was 
neglected by our German-Swiss Press before the war. 
And that this duty Is still neglected is a fact of which 
anyone may obtain daily conviction by a glance at our 
Press. For example, let anyone read, if for once only, 
the gossip — I can find no expression more apt — of cer- 
tain South German or Berlin correspondents of our 
most widely read newspapers. It Is necessary, no 
doubt, to add that the way in which these papers are 
served from Belgium, Holland, Scandinavia, etc., is 
not a whit better. In these countries also there would 
appear to be a very large number of German National- 
Liberals. 

It Is by no means superfluous to recall these mat- 
ters, for they were a clear symptom — ^perhaps the clear- 
est in the period before the war — of a phenomenon 
which was first made manifest among us In its full 



38 The Awakening of 

scope on the outbreak of war, viz., the astonishing in- 
tellectual dependence on the new political spirit of Ger- 
many into which we had recently fallen, a dependence 
the effect of which was that the democratic idea was 
becoming less and less appreciated amongst us, and 
that, unconsciously and unobserved so far as we our- 
selves were concerned, we were becoming more and 
more infiltrated with imperialistic and other trains of 
thought, which were alien to our true character and 
which we would have cast far from us, had they openly 
and suddenly approached us. But it is quite possible, 
by way of a gradual infiltration through the Press, to 
influence in certain directions the manner of thought of 
a people. This intellectual process of development 
was now at a stroke revealed to us by the war, and 
for this at least the war deserves our gratitude. 

In what way, then, has this dependence shown it- 
self? It has done so in the fact which I have already 
confirmed above, in the lamentable lack of resisting 
power shown by our Swiss public towards the German 
manufacture of war-feeling. For this also, when all 
is said, there is no doubt one ground of excuse, and 
this I should like to anticipate at once at the outset. 
This is the "perfection of the German organisation" 
which, as in other spheres, has made itself felt in con- 
nection with the provision of the news of foreign coun- 
tries.* Everything that the Germans do, they do thor- 
oughly; once having begun the war with a legend, they 
were compelled to carry it through consistently, and this 

* Compare on this subject the interesting review of Dr. Schoop 
in the Neue Helvetische Gesellschaft {Neue Ziircher Zeitung, No. 1170, 
of June 27th, 1917). 



the German People 39 

also was provided for with a thoroughness which in 
fact left nothing to be desired. In consequence miti- 
gating circumstances might be allowed to our Swiss pub- 
lic, or at least to that part which has less political edu- 
cation, if in the end it no longer knew what it should 
and should not believe. In any case these mitigat- 
ing circumstances are in no way applicable to our Press, 
which as the leader of public opinion has here entirely 
failed in its duty.f 

When all that we have had to submit to in these 
three years in the way of intellectual influence from 
foreign countries is recalled, it is necessary to go fur- 
ther and say that clearly it cannot be sufficient to admit 
in ourselves this absence of immunity, but that in the 
interests of our intellectual independence we must take 
counter-measures against this kind of intellectual in- 
filtration. And for this, one thing above all else is 
essential. We must once again gradually recover the 
power of talking straightly, and must learn to discuss 
matters together, showing what is in our hearts. This 
is primarily to be desired in the interests of our Swiss 
unity and of the reconciliation between German and 
Welsch. In addition to this, however, it is in the in- 
terests of peace. For there is only one thing that can 
bring to the world a speedy peace and that is the rec- 
ognition and the acknowledgment of the truth. And 
therefore, for the sake of this great cause, I should 
here like to express myself openly, even at the risk 
that many may wish to stone me for it. 

t Schoop also emphasises the denial of the democratic-republican 
principles on which our political existence rests, and the failure of 
the Press to recognise our most vital interests. 



40 The Awakening of 

Thus then: It is high time that we in German 
Switzerland should make an end of that Phariseeism 
which strikes the breast and says, "I am not as my 
Welsch brother." For in this war — I say the mo- 
mentous word calmly* — it is not German, but Welsch, 
Switzerland that has represented the Swiss conscience. 
I hear the storm raging against me, but what I have 
asserted I will also prove.! 

As a matter of course I disregard the excesses and 
aberrations, such as have taken place on both sides, 
which naturally I do not approve on either side. Al- 
though nevertheless there would still remain the ques- 
tion which of these excesses has been the more dan- 
gerous for our country and for our national spirit. 
There were certain street demonstrations which were 
indeed anything but beautiful, but they did not extend 
upwards and chiefly concerned the mob. Those 
highly placed persons who have been to a greater or 
less degree unmasked — not merely persons of high mili- 
tary rank but also civilians — were for the most part 
to be looked for on the other side. Further the list 
of writers, who have frequently proclaimed somewhat 
peculiar views for our Swiss conditions and also in 
part for our neutrality, is unfortunately on the Ger- 
man-Swiss side a very long one. I merely enumerate 
at random a few names; alongside the authors of 
Stimmen im Sturm there are Messrs. Bolliger, Bach- 
told, Ruchti, Wernlc, Schaffner, Miihlestein, Gertsch, 
etc. I am therefore of the opinion that even with 



[* "Du sprichst ein grosses Wort gelassen aus" — Goethe.] 
t Compare on this subject what Fleiner writes in No. 1226 of the 
Neue Ziircher Zeitung on "The Lessons of the Crisis." 



the German People 41 

regard to what has been manifested by those classes 
who are above the average, people in German Switzer- 
land have no reason to be proud of themselves, com« 
pared with Welsch Switzerland, but that they should 
rather put their own house in order. 

I come now to a point which is of greater impor- 
tance, and that is the normal, the average feeling in 
German and Welsch Switzerland, so far as it has made 
itself public. And on this I should like to make 
the following observations. In Welsch Switzerland, 
where the true situation was much more quickly recog- 
nised and where the population remained immune 
against the German manufacture of opinion, the judg- 
ments which I have encountered, notwithstanding all 
the sympathies that were manifested, were neverthe- 
less of an entirely patriotic nature. Anxiety for our 
confederate ideals, the thought of right, democracy 
and freedom which unites the whole Swiss population, 
these were there the predominant element. And at 
the same time anxiety was expressed lest sufficient value 
was no longer attached in German-Switzerland to these 
Swiss ideals, and lest our Swiss commonwealth was 
thereby imperilled. I can only summarise my impres- 
sion by saying that in the case of the Welsch Swiss it 
is good ''confederate" motives that have been the de- 
termining factor, and that therefore they .did in fact 
represent the conscience of Switzerland, when they in- 
tervened on behalf of our Swiss ideals. The fact that 
they desired to enter their protest when international 
law was violated might perhaps appear to many to be 
imprudent; but when all is said such a course was not 
merely an absolute right of the people, who, after all, 



42 The Awakening of 

are not the Government, but it once more proved how 
dear our ideals were to their hearts.* 

Whereas there was thus in Welsch Switzerland a 
constant appeal to our Swiss ideals, one cannot but ob- 
serve that in the case of German Switzerland on the 
other hand there was really very little mention made 
of these matters. And when the conversation turned 
on the war and questions connected with this subject, 
it was impossible not to make the surprising discov- 
ery, even in the case of the intellectual classes, that the 
opinions which were heard expressed did in fact re- 
veal very little, if anything at all, of the Swiss stand- 
point; on the contrary they were for the most part 
drawn from the Imperial German store of arguments. 
The German manufacture of opinion, which as I have 
already mentioned is so excellently organised, has op- 
erated so extensively and so comprehensively in the 
case of many of the German-Swiss that all the stale 
phrases which I already denounced before the war in 
my German Chauvinism are now dished up to them as 
brand-new examples of sagacity. There is in most 
cases no trace of an independent judgment of things. 
Instead of this, an appeal was most frequently made 
to the kinship in language and culture and to the "sym- 
pathies" resulting therefrom, and further, they cited 
evidence of a very far-reaching state of dependence 
by reference to the daily paper, on whose qualifications 
for this purpose I have already expressed myself above. 
To this there was also added the environment, and 

*That neutrality neither can nor shall prevent us from inter- 
vening on behalf of right and truth is a fact which at the time I 
put forward in my lecture on "Neutral Duties and National Tasks" 
which I delivered in 191 5 to the Zurich "Freistudentenschaft." 



the German People 43 

the suggestion of the environment I What these 
amount to, even in the case of persons of high educa- 
tion, most people completely fail to realise. 

The result of all this was that the catchwords im- 
posed by Germany evoked a very sustained echo in the 
widest circles of German Switzerland, so sustained that 
many of these German-Swiss were frequently more 
German in their thoughts, feelings and speech than 
even the Germans of the Empire. On the subject of 
France, England, etc., these Swiss appropriated with- 
out much reflection all the arguments which had for 
years been suggested to them from the side of Ger- 
many, so that Germans of the Empire who had re- 
mained immune said to me: "These German-Swiss 
have been much more seriously infected by the cam- 
paign of lies than real Germans inside the German 
Empire." There are in fact grounds for apprehen- 
sion that it will only be with the utmost difficulty that 
many German-Swiss will free themselves once more 
from the spell of German catchwords. And yet, not- 
withstanding this, these same people who follow en- 
tirely in the track of the Wolff Bureau are prepared 
to jeer at the Welsch Swiss ! And they even seek 
forthwith to describe everyone who maintains his im- 
munity from the suggestions of this Bureau — quite 
after the manner of the Bureau itself — as "friendly 
to the Entente" — these very men who are themselves 
the victims of foreign catchwords, and who are there- 
fore far removed from real neutrality. If that is not 
Phariseeism, what is ! 

At this point, however, I must pause for a moment. 
The fact that I have apparently spoken in general 



44 The Awakening of 

terms of German-Swiss might occasion a misunder- 
standing. Fortunately it is not by any means the case 
that all German-Swiss think in this way. No, this is 
certainly not the case. If I had not known this long 
ago, it would have been brought to my knowledge in 
connection with my article in the Neue Ziircher Zeitung 
on *'Swiss Policy and the Conclusion of Peace." For 
after the publication of this article I received from all 
parts of German Switzerland enthusiastic expressions 
of concurrence which prove to me that, despite all the 
war psychosis that rages even in our midst, the infil- 
tration has not advanced so far as might perhaps have 
been assumed from the manifestations of what is com- 
monly called "public opinion." Indeed I am disposed 
to agree with E. Bovet, who writes in JVissen und 
Lehen of July ist, 19 17, that he in no way believes in 
the reality of the ''majority" in this so-called public 
opinion in Switzerland. In fact we must not judge 
the German-Swiss people according to the German- 
Swiss Press; this would be to do it a grievous wrong. 
So also it must not be judged according to the political 
Philistines and Pharisees who swear by their paper, 
their environment and their party. No, alongside this 
German-Swiss spirit which widely manifests itself in 
public, there is another which still firmly cleaves to 
the old ideals, and will have nothing to do with the 
German manufacture of opinion. 

It is, however, this latter Swiss spirit on which the 
union between German and Welsch Switzerland rests 
to-day; this alone is what is really holding our com- 
monwealth together in the present grave hour. The 
question to-day is to gather together those Swiss who 



the German People 45 

unfortunately are not in touch with each other since 
they have no Press at their disposal. For it will be 
these men who will be called upon after the war to re- 
build Swiss unity. It is on them that the future hopes 
of the Swiss people rest, and not on people like the 
members of the "German-Swiss Society" who to-day 
make it their sorry pleasure to incite of set purpose the 
German and the Welsch elements against each other. 
I must here add a further word on the role which 
"neutrality" plays in the case of those German-Swiss 
whom I have just described as infected by German in- 
fluence. These people can be heard saying: "We do 
not move a hand either in favour of one belligerent 
party or of the other." In saying this they regard 
themselves as models of neutrality. But is it the case 
then that this is real neutrality? If in civil life one 
man were to make a cowardly attack on another, I 
should not place the man attacked on the same footing 
as the aggressor. This would indeed be contrary to 
all justice I The neutrality of the individual must 
never be allowed to go so far as to stifle his feeling of 
justice. What these people call neutrality is in real- 
ity not neutrality at all; it is merely ease and oppor- 
tunism. They decline to investigate the question thor- 
oughly, and prefer to rely on their daily paper and the 
talk of the smoking room. Even now there exists a 
whole series of works which give a fairly exhaustive 
account of the situation for those who do not yet know 
It, and who really desire to learn about it, and on a 
close study of the subject these men might finally be 
brought into conflict with their "sympathies" I That a 
neutrality of such a nature can in its essence be equiv- 



46 The Awakening of 

alent In the end only to an encouragement to one party, 
is a fact which clearly is not taken into account by 
these people. Their neutrality is in reality no neutral- 
ity at all, quite apart from the fact that it has noth- 
ing to do with neutral policy. 

What would the lamented Christian Wolf, Indis- 
putably one of the greatest authorities of all times on 
international law, have said to this kind of "moral neu- 
trality"? In 1749 he taught that it was the duty of 
every State to assist any other State waging a just 
war, while none ought to help a State whose war is un- 
just. My Austrian colleague in international law, 
Lammasch, observes on this point that this would really 
be the view of the rights and duties of neutrality most 
completely in consonance with ethical teaching. This 
sentence should indeed be written in the book of re- 
membrance of all the pseudo-neutrals just described, 
although the present view of neutrality is of course dif- 
ferent. All honour to neutrality! It is the supreme 
governing principle of our policy and must remain so. 
But it must not be pursued in such a way that abuses 
result, and In particular the so-called moral neutrality 
must not be made a pretext to stifle the feeling for 
right and truth among the citizens. 

And now as regards "sympathies" ! Many of our 
genuine democrats have considered it expedient and 
necessary to go through thick and thin. In season and 
out of season, with the German Government, the Ger- 
man Army Command, Wolff's Bureau and the author- 
ities aflfillated to these, and to express their sympathies 
with these — not, If you please, with the German peo- 
ple ! Can this really be called sympathy? If one seeks 



the German People 47 

to confirm a deluded people in its errors, is it not rather 
a case of blind undiscerning partiality? True sympathy 
— with the German people, be it understood, not with 
its governing circles with whom we are not called 
upon to feel ourselves united in kinship either by lan- 
guage, culture or in any other respect — would have 
sought expression in pointing out to the German peo- 
ple the mistakes and the errors committed on their 
side, and in warning them against treading such a 
slippery slope. That would have been true friend- 
ship and true sympathy, that would have been a worthy 
role for the Swiss people to play in the face of the pres- 
ent catastrophe which threatens to overwhelm the Ger- 
man people. But as things stand, we have in reality 
in no way advantaged this people with our sympathy, 
but on the contrary we have rather injured them. 

How different would have been the part we would 
have played, had we remained immune against the of- 
ficial German manufacture of opinion! In full con- 
sciousness of our Swiss ideals of freedom and democ- 
racy, of right and truth, we could have intervened to 
prevent the brave German people falling a victim to 
the delusions of Imperialism and Militarism. We 
would have sought to contribute to its liberation from 
the spell under which it exists as a result of the pro- 
longed suggestions of the war-makers. And who 
knows whether in doing so we would not have made a 
more permanent contribution to peace than those peo- 
ple who have now for almost three years been seek- 
ing to restore peace, relying on ineffective weapons and 
arguments? Perhaps peace would have been at- 
tained long ago, for essentially it depends only on the 



48 The Awakening of 

awakening of the German people, and the longer this 
is delayed the worse will it be. 

Yes, indeed, had we but comprehended our part, we 
should not have strengthened the German people in 
its delusion; we should have sought to enlighten it. 
We should have sought to reveal the truth instead of 
co-operating in its suppression from motives of false 
sympathy. We should have brought home to the Ger- 
man people the realisation of the fact that their true 
enemy sits in their own country, instead of ourselves 
joining in the incitement against the French and the 
English. And we should also have had the courage 
to tell the German people that from the present school 
of suffering the new Germany must be born, a Ger- 
many that will be able to live with other nations with- 
out bristling in steel, a free Germany that has risen 
above Imperialism and Militarism. All this we would 
have been able to say to the German people, had we 
ourselves remained immune and had we comprehended 
our part! 

As it is, however, we have been wanting both in 
courage and in the capacity to point out to the German 
people the path to peace and to reconciliation. We 
have been compelled to renounce the prospect of show- 
ing this friendly service to the German people, and 
thereby to ourselves and to the whole world as well. 
For — we ourselves must first awake! We must first 
of all again free ourselves from the effects which the 
psychosis of war has wrought even in our midst, and 
we must ourselves discover anew the path back to our 
ideals, before we are in a position to teach others these 
ideals. Indeed we have in truth every reason to be- 



the German People 49 

gin by putting our own house In order. For unfor- 
tunately we also are not free from the forces and the 
influences from which the German people must liber- 
ate itself. In our case also a process of purification is 
necessary — a purification which however would simul- 
taneously produce our unity. We must free ourselves 
from the spell of foreign catchwords, In order In this 
way to regain the ground on which German and Welsch 
will be able to stand together In full confidence. This 
ground is the ground of law, the ground of freedom, 
the ground pointed out to us by our history. When 
we know that this ground is once more firmly under our 
feet, the confidence which to-day is lacking — on this 
point let there be no Illusions In German Switzerland 
— will completely and entirely return. 

The experiences of recent times are perhaps more 
calculated than anything else to enable us to recover 
this ground. And when we have first of all regained 
this basis for our internal understanding, then, when 
the war Is ended, we shall again appear competent to 
do justice to our international mission, as a factor mak- 
ing for peace and understanding. On our Internal 
union — after the nations are awake — ^there will then 
be built up the external union, the new Europe. 




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